The Ethics Of Hillary Clinton

Jerry Zeifman reminisces about Watergate:

After President Nixon’s resignation a young lawyer, who shared an office with Hillary, confided in me that he was dismayed by her erroneous legal opinions and efforts to deny Nixon representation by counsel-as well as an unwillingness to investigate Nixon. In my diary of August 12, 1974 I noted the following:

John Labovitz apologized to me for the fact that months ago he and Hillary had lied to me [to conceal rules changes and dilatory tactics.] Labovitz said, “That came from Yale.” I said, “You mean Burke Marshall [Senator Ted Kennedy’s chief political strategist, with whom Hillary regularly consulted in violation of House rules.] Labovitz said, “Yes.” His apology was significant to me, not because it was a revelation but because of his contrition.

At that time Hillary Rodham was 27 years old. She had obtained a position on our committee staff through the political patronage of her former Yale law school professor Burke Marshall and Senator Ted Kennedy. Eventually, because of a number of her unethical practices I decided that I could not recommend her for any subsequent position of public or private trust.

And now she stands a good chance of becoming the next president.

I never fail to be amazed at how blind people can be to the corruption of these people. Read the whole thing.

Forty Years Later

Remembering the lies of Tet.

As the Washington Post’s Saigon bureau chief Peter Braestrup documented in his 1977 book, “The Big Story,” the desperate fury of the communist attacks including on Saigon, where most reporters lived and worked, caught the press by surprise. (Not the military: It had been expecting an attack and had been on full alert since Jan. 24.) It also put many reporters in physical danger for the first time. Braestrup, a former Marine, calculated that only 40 of 354 print and TV journalists covering the war at the time had seen any real fighting. Their own panic deeply colored their reportage, suggesting that the communist assault had flung Vietnam into chaos.

Their editors at home, like CBS’s Walter Cronkite, seized on the distorted reporting to discredit the military’s version of events. The Viet Cong insurgency was in its death throes, just as U.S. military officials assured the American people at the time. Yet the press version painted a different picture.

To quote Braestrup, “the media tended to leave the shock and confusion of early February, as then perceived, fixed as the final impression of Tet” and of Vietnam generally. “Drama was perpetuated at the expense of information,” and “the negative trend” of media reporting “added to the distortion of the real situation on the ground in Vietnam.”

The North Vietnamese were delighted. On the heels of their devastating defeat, Hanoi increasingly shifted its propaganda efforts toward the media and the antiwar movement. Causing American (not South Vietnamese) casualties, even at heavy cost, became a battlefield objective in order to reinforce the American media’s narrative of a failing policy in Vietnam.

Sound familiar?

I fear that Al Qaeda may attempt one more spasm of violence, and the media, ever dutiful to the enemy, wittingly or not, will report it as the war futile and lost in Iraq.

The Problem With McCain

Michael Lynch:

…how does a man of proclaimed “principle”–a proclamation bolstered by those who know him best and by a 16-year voting record–go so wrong on such consequential issues? Skeptics heap scorn on the notion that McCain has any principles. “His principle is that he should codify any prejudice he happens to have,” scoffs Ed Crane, president of the Cato Institute.

McCain’s friends, foes, and biography suggest a more complicated, but no less politically worrisome, explanation. For John McCain, principle is fundamentally about honor–personal honor: about keeping his word, about doing what is right and doing it well. “Principle” combines honesty, stubbornness, and loyalty. This notion of principle is very different from adhering to a consistent political philosophy. It explains McCain’s popular appeal, especially in contrast to the exceptionally dishonorable Clinton administration, but also accounts for the distrust, even contempt, he inspires among the ideologically committed.

As Virginia notes, it’s also worth reading Matt’s book.

And as Robert Bidinotto says, we don’t need another Teddy Roosevelt–another “liberal fascist.”

I Don’t Feel Quite So Badly Now

I’m not the only one having issues with Movable Type:

I have succeeded in loading Style Contest templates into my style browser, and have applied them, and been informed I have successfully applied them and republished the site, and they do not show up. In fact it managed to destroy the page entirely, putting all the columns at the bottom of the page. Time to rip it up and start from scratch.

Don’t email me until I send up flares. I need to figure this out myself.

Good luck with that, James.

I Don’t Feel Quite So Badly Now

I’m not the only one having issues with Movable Type:

I have succeeded in loading Style Contest templates into my style browser, and have applied them, and been informed I have successfully applied them and republished the site, and they do not show up. In fact it managed to destroy the page entirely, putting all the columns at the bottom of the page. Time to rip it up and start from scratch.

Don’t email me until I send up flares. I need to figure this out myself.

Good luck with that, James.

I Don’t Feel Quite So Badly Now

I’m not the only one having issues with Movable Type:

I have succeeded in loading Style Contest templates into my style browser, and have applied them, and been informed I have successfully applied them and republished the site, and they do not show up. In fact it managed to destroy the page entirely, putting all the columns at the bottom of the page. Time to rip it up and start from scratch.

Don’t email me until I send up flares. I need to figure this out myself.

Good luck with that, James.

Biting Commentary about Infinity…and Beyond!