Don’t Know Much About History

I’m not a constitutional law professor, and I don’t even play one on the internet, but you’d think that real lawyers, who are supposed to have studied the Constitution, and read the Federalist papers and stuff, would know better.

We’ve made a similar argument about the electoral college: if it’s so great, why is it the case that not a single state copies it for the governor’s election, nor does a single other major world democracy use it to pick its president?

I know, they say there are no such things as dumb questions. Considering that these are supposed to be trained attorneys, let’s use this as the exception to make the rule. Anyway, I don’t think that the rule applies to rhetorical questions, which this is clearly intended to be.

There are two constitutional fallacies here. The first is that a state is just a “mini-me” of the federal government. It is not.

It doesn’t strike coins. It doesn’t raise armies. It doesn’t declare and wage war. If it does any of these things, it is put down, brutally, as we saw a hundred forty years ago. To compare the election of a governor to that of a president is to betray a fundamental ignorance of the nature of the federal system.

But even if this were a valid comparison, just how would they propose implementing an electoral college at the state level? There is no entity in a state that fits the following analogy question on an SAT (or, dare I say, LSAT?):

The Federal government is to a state as a state is to a…?

Counties don’t work, because they don’t have representatives to the state government. State senatorial or assembly districts don’t work, because they don’t have governments. Sorry, guys, but this just isn’t one of those recursive things where you can go all the way down to the fleas on fleas ad infinitum. The US federal government is unique, and that part of your question is…dumb.

Second, the question implies, by its use of the word “other,” that the US is a “major world democracy.” Despite the popular usage of the term, it is, simply, not. If these guys had not been cutting class the day they studied the history of the Constitution, they would know that.

Franklin said it best when, walking out of the Constitutional Convention, he was accosted by a woman who asked, “Mr. Franklin, what have you given us?”

He replied, “A Republic, madam, if you can keep it.”

If these lawyers are in any way representative of the legal training in this country, Mr. Franklin’s fears would seem to be well justified.

[Update on Friday morning]

One more thought. Even if we were a “major world democracy,” the argument remains fallacious. It’s a form of the argumentum ad majoritarium, better known as the bandwagon argument. In politics, it takes the form, “Vote for me. Everyone else is, especially all the hip, cool people. You don’t want to be…different, do you?”

It’s a very persuasive (albeit flawed) argument, to those susceptible to fashion and peer pressure.

And of course it’s a favorite with transnationalist types, who use it to fight capital punishment, or promote Kyoto or universal health care, or generally try to increase the level of socialism here.

“We’re so backwards. We’re the only major world democracy that does or doesn’t do X, Y or Z.”

It’s one of their classic fallbacks, after you’ve pointed out the flaws in X, Y or Z. And as we’ve seen on campus, these folks are much more susceptible to peer pressure themselves, rather than logical argumentation, which they often don’t even allow.

And of course, it’s one we used to try on our parents all the time.

“But mooooommm! All the other cool major world democracies are doing it! Why can’t we?”

And if she was a good mom, you remember her response.

“Now honey, if all the other major world democracies were going to jump off a cliff, or dither about taking out psychopathic homicidal nuclear-weapons-seeking maniacs in the Middle East, or directly elect their presidents, would you do it, too?”

“Just because those other countries have leaders who don’t care about you as much as we do doesn’t mean that you can do any silly thing they take into their heads. No, in this house we follow the rules. They’re written down, right here, in this Constitution.”

[Further update]

Anglospherian Jim Bennett makes some further refinements in the comment section that are worth putting up here, just to elaborate further on these guys’ apparent lack of knowledge of not just our own government, but of all the other ones that they seem to admire as well.

Well, actually states do raise armies, but it is true that most of the other characteristics of a sovereign state were folded into Federal sovereignty. Rea raised the critical point, which is that states do not have a “federal nature”; if they had, the Supremes would have let them keep county representation in state Senates. (Even there, there’s some wiggle room. Nothing in the Constitution prevents states from creating a federal structure; if they did, then they might indeed choose to use an electoral college to pick their governor, to help preserve equitability among the constituent regions.)

As to the “other major democracies” argument, there are two points worth raising. One is that actually, many major democracies do use an electoral college approach — it’s called the parliamentary system. In the UK, for example, it’s the majority of parliamentary constituencies that choose the Prime Minister, not a majority of the voters, and sometimes they pick the candidate with fewer votes, as they did in the early Seventies. You can view the electoral college as a special-purpose Parliament with only two functions, to pick the President and the Vice- President; or you can view parliaments as general-purpose Electoral Colleges.

The second point is that whether the US is a democracy depends on your definition of democracy; in the common sense of the word, of course it is one. Technically speaking, it is not a pure representative democracy. Of course, technically speaking, you could argue that it isn’t a republic either — it’s not described as such anywhere in the Constitution. It’s a federal union of states with republican governments. A state could arguably enter the Union with a non-republican government merely by permitting the exception in the treaty of accession, (since treaties are co-equal to the Constitution) and this would not particularly change the character of the Union.

[One more update at 8:30 AM PDT]

Just to preempt any further diversions, I’d like to point out that, in the comments section, amidst a lot of spurious chaff about Rush Limbaugh, Ann Coulter, and comparing Glenn Reynolds to a cyber-madrassa, Don Williams accuses me of not putting up a good argument for the electoral college.

He might as well accuse me of not putting up a good argument for going from the present BCS to a college playoff system. It would be equally orthogonal to the point of this post, which was not about whether or not the electoral college is a Good Thing, but about the fact that certain people are attacking it with fallacious and misinformed arguments.

Debating the merits of the electoral college will have to wait for another day, when I have more time and gumption for it. It’s possible to agree that, in fact, we should get rid of the electoral college, and still think that the argument cited above is dumb.

[Via Instantman and Geitner Simmons.]

Morale Still Low At NASA

Spaceref has an interesting editorial from a NASA employee who apparently requires a great deal of gruntling. And he understands the problem.

It is because the political answers are used in a political Congress that the Agency drifts on from crisis to crisis. It is because the political answers are used that management has become, very nearly to the grass roots level, political rather than technical. Key decisions costing and distributing millions and billions of dollars are made on a political basis rather than a technical one. Political achievement is rewarded, not technical achievement. Frosting over all of this is the utter hypocrisy pushed constantly by our leaders that the opposite is true, that technologists are wanted and valued and desperately needed when even a blind technologist can see the plain truth before him.

Bad News From Florida

Looks like the Bush campaign shot themselves in the foot. Taking a page from Gray Davis’ playbook, they’ve been running negative ads against McBride, in an attempt to help Janet Reno win the nomination. Unfortunately, it just made the Democrats mad, and McBride is now moving up in the polls, and the Bush team now thinks that he’ll be the nominee.

They should have stayed out of it. Unfortunately, Florida Democrats may not be as dumb as it appeared in the 2000 election. At least, they’re not suicidal. But we can still hope.

Level The Playing Field

There was a story last week about the unaccountable accounting on the Air Force’s Evolved Expendable Launch Vehicle (EELV) program. This is a program in which the government provided funding to Boeing and Lockheed Martin, the manufacturers of the Delta, and Atlas and Titan launch vehicles, respectively, to help them both improve the performance and reliability of the systems, and to reduce their cost. The catch is that these are ostensibly commercial systems, so this is in effect a taxpayer subsidy of what should be in theory private enterprise.

There is an argument to be made for this: the competition for these vehicles (Europe’s Ariane, the Russian Zenit and Proton launchers, and the Chinese Long March) are all government subsidized, and if we don’t help our industry, they’ll go out of business won’t be able to compete, and the Air Force and NASA will have to launch their payloads on foreign launchers, an unacceptable outcome. In addition, by doing so, the taxpayer will ultimately save money through reduced costs for the launch of future government payloads, and additional tax revenue from a reinvigorated commercial launch industry.

Leaving aside the validity of that argument, it turns out that in order to protect proprietary data of the two corporations, the Air Force is not disclosing how the money was spent, or even exactly how much it was. The idea of the program was to inject funds into the commercial rocket makers, without the wastefulness, schedule constraints, and inefficiency of traditional government oversight. It seems to have worked well, except for the fact that we don’t know exactly where the money went.

Go read the article and decide for yourself whether this was a good idea–as far as I’m concerned, it’s a topic for another day. What I want to focus on is this:

[Colonel] Mashiko said independent research and development reimbursements are “not counted against” the EELV program budget. Such reimbursements are not counted as part of the cost of many big defense programs either. “It’s not bookkept that way,” she said.

“Independent research and development,” better known in the industry as IR&D. This, in my opinion, is a program badly in need of reform. While I don’t necessarily object to subsidization of a truly-critical industry to defend against foreign competition, I do object to a program that raises the barriers to entry for domestic competition, and this is what IR&D effectively does.

IR&D (and its cousin, Bid and Proposal, or B&P) is money that the government gives to aerospace contractors as reimbursement for their expenses in either doing the basic research that they need to do in order to be responsive to projected government program needs, or to bid on government contracts. It’s not contract income per se, which requires that specific things be done per the contract. It’s what’s called discretionary funds, which means that the company can spend it in any way they see fit to maintain a posture to bid and win whatever government contracts they choose to bid on. It is reimbursed by being factored in as a percentage of the rate that the companies charge for their services on contracts, just like overhead, or their award fee.

And therein lies the rub. Like the old saying that you have to have money to make money, you have to have government contracts to win government contracts, at least big ones.

If you’re a startup company, with a lot of engineering talent, and great ideas, too bad. You’re not eligible for IR&D, because it’s provided as a percentage of contract revenue. So in order to go after government work, you have to spend your investors’ money, in competition against an entrenched competitor who can use the taxpayers’ money, for the effort of reseaching and proposing. And if, like most of us, you’re a taxpayer, you face the irony of having to compete against someone who is using resources taken from you, against you. It’s as though the NFL draft were run to give the top picks to the top teams, instead of to the bottom ones.

It gets worse. It turns out that they’re allowed to use IR&D to pursue commercial activities as well, to a certain degree. That means that even if you decide to say, to heck with the government market, and just do a commercial activity, you’re still competing with the government contractors, using your own money (less the amount that you had to pay in taxes to support their bids), while they get their money from the taxpayers.

If you wanted to come up with a system to discourage new entrants into aerospace, it would be hard to come up with a better one. Yet new blood is exactly what the industry needs, particularly since the overconsolidation in the 1990s, in which the several space companies that existed in the 1980s have been narrowed down to essentially two–Boeing and Lockheed Martin (not counting the United Space Alliance, which is the offspring of a shotgun marriage between the two, with NASA holding the twelve gauge, thus joining the two major companies at the hip through it).

Reform of the space industry, and progress and innovation, are going to require some kind of restructuring of how we do IR&D. One possibility might be to set aside a pot of money for new entrants. There are a number of possibilities as to how it would be disbursed, but veteran space entrepreneur Len Cormier has an interesting idea he calls Individual Research and Development.

Let him describe how it would work:

…qualified individuals would receive limited IR&D drawing rights sometime during their lifetimes. As an initial, experimental pilot project, various proposed space launch companies with proposed vehicles that promise to lower the costs of access to space would be able to designate a limited number of engineers, technicians, manufacturing personnel, and other individuals who could further the viability of the proposed launch vehicle. Since the designated individuals would be expending their limited IR&D rights, the designated individuals would likely provide a meaningful peer review from the bottom up. Successful commercial programs would reimburse the IR&D program, thus providing a means for reinstating individual IR&D drawing rights.

Such an idea or variation on it, might level the playing field, and reinvigorate an American space industry that is, in many ways, moribund.

Biting Commentary about Infinity…and Beyond!