Category Archives: Political Commentary

Doesn’t Look Like Apollo On Steroids

There was an interesting comment over at Rockets’n’Such this past weekend (number 16, since I can’t link individual comments):

There is no rational technical reason that ARES I need be built. It has no special capability above what already exists and is inferior in most aspects to the Atlas and Delta fleets. The already known vibration shock and thermal environments on Atlas/Delta as well as higher overall performance will also enable more rapid convergence on the Orion vehicle design which is trapped in an endless loop of redesigns due to the inadequacy of the ARES I. This should allow a more rapid transition to first flight and eliminates the need for pointless show and tell flight demonstrations. The LAS can be grossly simplified, propulsion systems drastically downsized, onboard systems enhanced and system capability expanded to address near term needs without absurd design compromises.

This is an important point. Most people don’t realize how many of the problems of Ares/Orion are synergistic: when you’re developing two new systems that have to interoperate, design issues from one have an impact on the other. Weight growth in Orion requires additional performance in the Ares, vibration problems in Ares imply a need for mitigation measures in the Orion that result in more weight, etc.

Yes, von Braun solved this in Apollo. How?

First, he had an essentially unlimited budget, something that NASA knew would not be the case before they started initial concepts. Second, he didn’t believe estimates of CSM mass provided by Houston, and built a huge amount of margin into the design of the Saturn V, a luxury that wasn’t available to the Ares concept, given the (arbitrary) decision to base it on an existing (sort of) first stage. As it happened, he ended up needing all of it.

One could see an attempt by NASA to fix this early on, when they went from the four to five segment version of the SRB, making the supposedly “off-the-shelf” first stage an essentially new vehicle (hence the unexpected resonance issues with the longer organ pipe and deeper tones/lower frequencies). As the commenter noted, going with an existing and flown vehicle that is a known quantity (e.g., EELV) confines the development issues to the Orion itself, vastly simplifying the process and reducing program cost and schedule risk. Also, if more performance is needed, there is already a good and well-understood conceptual history at ULA for growth versions, which are much less problematic with liquids than solids.

The wholesale modifications to the CX 39 systems can be halted or delayed until ARES V demands it. Given the lack of real scientific motivation for going to the moon and the near complete lack of tools for long term habitation this would seem to be delayed for at least a decade. Effectively this means the retirement of obsolete crawlers, pads, recovery systems and decaying infrastructure with a significant reduction in ongoing maintenance costs. The development of the J2, ARES I upperstage, 5 segment solid, new avionics as well as vibration suppression can also be halted. This is worth billions in savings and has no near-term impact to flight operations.

In the meantime NASA should learn to nurture the existing space industry by placing realistic contracts for launch services that enable a predictable business environment and encourage private investment beyond the whims of a few billionaires. This alone is a prime task for NASA and one that will challenge them immensely. But with industry as a full team member and not just a half-assed wrench turner executing sophomoric government designs NASA will gain the leverage to actually consider programs more ambitious than ISS. NASA should be tasked with demonstrating that they can economically support an ISS that does significant science while fixing broken hardware, enhancing capabilities and building international support. If NASA cannot support ISS for a predictable sum over a period of years then they cannot claim the abilities required to support lunar operations.

Most importantly NASA should get back to basic research to produce new technologies and tools that enable US industry to lead. The death of most of these technology programs at the hands of the Emperor was a stupid and shameful act. This work is less costly than giant single-purpose rocket ships and confers far greater economic benefit.

If NASA wants to go to the moon they better start with the crew landing and staying for months. Anything less is a waste of time. They should focus on what tools are required to make this a reality. The ESAS architecture is wholly incapable of meeting this need. But there are solutions that do enable this and at reasonable cost. They just don’t look like Apollo on steroids.

Emphasis mine. One of the problems with having space dominated by a government program is that failure tends to be rewarded, and success punished — if you save money on a program, and don’t use all your budget, it is generally cut the next year. And the excuses for failure generally are that there were insufficient funds, so failed programs get the money that the successful ones saved. Mickey Kaus has some (non-space) related thoughts (scroll a little — his permalinks remain quirky) on the parallels between the failure to prevent the carnage in India, and the failure to educate children here (is he really old enough to have been at Hyannisport when JFK was alive? He must have been a kid).

Anyway, worthwhile reading for the space transition team.

[Early afternoon update]

Paul Spudis (who has a comment on this post) has some nice things to say about ten years of ISS over at Air & Space today:

I contend that ISS is useful for future lunar and planetary exploration. For one thing, building and operating a million-pound spacecraft for over a decade has surely taught us something about spacefaring. One of the most remarkable facts about ISS is that it went from drawing board (more accurately, from computer-aided design bits) to working hardware in space, without numerous prototypes and precursors, and it worked the first time it was turned on. By any standard, that is a remarkable achievement. We have learned how to assemble and operate complex spacecraft in orbit, in many cases solving deployment problems and coaxing balky equipment into operation, as exemplified by the recent experience of Don Pettit and Mike Fincke with the renowned urine conversion machine. Assembling complex machines and making them work in space is a key skill of any spacefaring society. Building and operating ISS over the last decade has taught us much about that skill.

The station could be made even more important and relevant to future operations in space. A key requirement of routine operations in cislunar space is the ability to manage, handle and transfer rocket fuel, particularly the difficult to manage cryogenic liquid oxygen and hydrogen. We could begin to acquire real experience working with these materials at ISS – transfer a quantity of water, crack it into its component hydrogen and oxygen using solar-generated electricity on orbit, and experiment with different methods of handling, conversion and storage of these materials. None of this requires a new module, but some specialized equipment could allow us to experiment with cryogenic fuel in microgravity, mastering a skill of vital importance to future operations in space and on the Moon.

I agree that we learned many useful lessons from ISS (unfortunately, the biggest, and falsest lesson that many seem to have learned is that we should avoid orbital construction and not build space facilities — thinking that is partly responsible for the current flawed heavy-lift ESAS approach). But using the ISS for orbital propellant technology development might potentially conflict with other research on station, if it involves disturbances, or concerns about explosive potential in the event of a mishap. This is worth looking into, but it’s not a simple issue.

Thanks

I suppose, since I have a shiny new blog, that I should say something for the occasion.  Both first, and trivially, I’m thankful that we live in a country that has competing blog software providers, and particularly that they are free of charge (though, in the case of MT, I’ve gotten a lot less than I paid for over the past several months).

I’m thankful that, at least so far, an Obama administration hasn’t lived up to his campaign promises.  I wonder if he had told the voters that he would a) support Joe Lieberman, b) put in a set of centrist economic advisors, c) go soft on his promise to “raise taxes on the rich,” d) keep George Bush’s Defense Secretary for at least another year, etc., whether he would have had a chance of winning the Democrat nomination.  But I guess that what running left for the nomination, and to the center for the election, is all about.

I’m also grateful that, while I missed out on the economic boom of the last few years, paradoxically, as the ecoonomy has gone in the toilet this fall, I’m actually doing very well financially since last summer, with good prospects for continuing to do so.  And I have my health, which as time goes on, become ever more precious.

I’m also grateful to my readers, devoted and otherwise, who keep coming back to read my blather. I hope that you all have much for which to be grateful as well, and have a happy holiday, and more to come.

My LA friend (from Florida) Bill Whittle has some further Thanksgiving thoughts, and gratitude, for a friend who died recently.

The POR Recession

The unending (and infuriating) irony of this election will be that the Democrats won this election by first tanking the economy and then (with the aid of the MSM) blaming the hapless Republicans for it. Tom Blumer explains:

The recession, once it becomes official, will thus richly deserve designation as the POR (Pelosi-Obama-Reid) recession. Further, Obama’s and the Democratic Party’s performance on the economy must be benchmarked from June 1, 2008 — not Election Day, not Inauguration Day, and not, as traditionally has been the case, from October 1 of the new president’s first year in office.

Evidence of the POR triumvirate’s virtually unilateral damage to the economy began appearing as early as the fourth quarter of 2007, the first quarter of negative growth in six years. The POR recession itself began in June. The historically steep downward revision in second-quarter gross domestic product (GDP) growth from an annualized 3.3% to 2.8% in the government’s final September announcement was more than likely due to deterioration that occurred in the final month of the quarter.It’s not at all a coincidence that June was the month in which it became crystal clear that despite sky-high oil prices, Pelosi, Obama, and Reid were hostile to the idea of drilling for more oil — offshore or anywhere else. Pelosi insisted that “we can’t drill our way out of our problems.” In the speaker’s world, this means that you don’t drill at all. Reid declared that we have to stop using oil and coal because “it’s making us sick.” Obama seemed pleased that gas prices were so high, saying only that “I think that I would have preferred a gradual adjustment” instead of the sharp spike. What a guy.

As would be expected, the country’s businesses, investors, and consumers, never having witnessed a political party dedicate itself so completely to starving its own national economy, reacted very negatively to all of this. I said at the time that “businesses and investors are responding to their total lack of seriousness by battening down the hatches and preparing for the worst.” Subsequent events have validated that observation.

As commenter Carl Pham pointed out recently, the American people bought fire insurance from an arsonist.

We Know What We Like

Lileks has a meditation on modern art:

It’s not the humanism that ruined art, it was humanism that divorced itself from the possibility of transcendence. Which would be bad enough if it hadn’t decided to splash around in the gutters as well.

Ah, but why was it influential? It recontextualized the commonplace and made us see it as Art, a process that continues to this day every time you see a book with a title like “The Art of Bread” or “The Art of Toad Sexing” or whatever else has to be elevated to the status of marble sculpture to make the user feel they’re living a rarified life. It played a joke on the Stuffy Academics, which is something the adolescent temperament never tires of doing. This is not encouraged any more, since the Academics are on the side of Truth and Modernity, however defined today. Although I once knew an architecture student who took perverse and boundless glee in shocking his teacher by putting a pointy roof on the house each student had to design. A pointed roof. In other words, a useful roof, a functional roof that didn’t collect rain water. Everyone else had a flat roof, of course. Machine for Living and all that. This was just around the time Post-Modernism made it okay to quote history, as long as everyone saw you wink, or could understand that your overscaled grotesque excretions were meant ironically.

An instructor might not know what to make of a house with a point roof, but if you called it “House In The Time of Reagan” he’d understand.

Read all.

Change I Can Believe In

It’s looking like Gates is going to stay at the Pentagon. I think that’s good news from a space perspective, because I’ve heard that he’s been trying to light a fire under the Operationally Responsive Space folks. It would be a shame to replace him with an unknown in that regard. There should (at least in theory) be a lot of synergy between military and civil space transport needs, in both orbital and suborbital. I hope that the new administration will be able to do better coordination on that than the Bush administration did.

Slow Posting

I got up early today and had an eye exam (still have two functional ones). They were dilated in the process, so it will be a while before I spend much time on the computer. Meanwhile, here’s an interesting discussion on arming ships against pirates in modern times. We seem to have managed to deal with this a lot better in the past. I think that we should bring back letters of marque, for not just pirates, but lawless terrorists in general.

[Early afternoon update]

A related question: why don’t we hang pirates any more?

…the number of attacks keeps rising.

Why? The view of senior U.S. military officials seems to be, in effect, that there is no controlling legal authority. Title 18, Chapter 81 of the United States Code establishes a sentence of life in prison for foreigners captured in the act of piracy. But, crucially, the law is only enforceable against pirates who attack U.S.-flagged vessels, of which today there are few.

What about international law? Article 110 of the U.N.’s Law of the Sea Convention — ratified by most nations, but not by the U.S. — enjoins naval ships from simply firing on suspected pirates. Instead, they are required first to send over a boarding party to inquire of the pirates whether they are, in fact, pirates. A recent U.N. Security Council resolution allows foreign navies to pursue pirates into Somali waters — provided Somalia’s tottering government agrees — but the resolution expires next week. As for the idea of laying waste, Stephen Decatur-like, to the pirate’s prospering capital port city of Eyl, this too would require U.N. authorization. Yesterday, a shippers’ organization asked NATO to blockade the Somali coast. NATO promptly declined.

As I noted, there seems to be a problem with the modern approach.

Can Hillary! Be SECSTATE?

She may be Constitutionally ineligible. Sometimes commenter Jane Bernstein notes via email that Article 1, Section 6 clearly states that:

No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time: and no person holding any office under the United States, shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office.

Emphasis mine. Federal salaries, including the schedule for a Level 1 Cabinet officer (such as Secretary of State) were increased at the beginning of the year, by executive order. IANAL, but by the letter of the law, it would seem that she cannot be appointed to that position.

There are two potential outs.

One is trivial–she isn’t a “he,” she’s a “she,” so she could amusingly argue that the section doesn’t apply to her. I suspect that this would probably fail on Fourteenth Amendment (and perhaps other) grounds, though, as well as common sense.

The other would be to argue that the intent was to keep Congress from creating or increasing salaries of a position in order to provide a new or better job for one of its members, and to eliminate this potential conflict of interest. Since the increase was done by Executive Order under a previously passed law, she could argue that Congress didn’t increase the pay in this instance. However, the letter of the law wouldn’t allow this interpretation–it doesn’t say anything about the emoluments increasing by act of Congress–it just says that if they increase (for whatever reason) she cannot have the position.

If true, the good news is that it would also apply to John Kerry. And it doesn’t apply to Barack Obama, since he wasn’t appointed–he was elected.

[Update a few minutes later]

Also, if the logic is correct, it would apply to Rahm Emmanuel, as well as any other potential congressperson or Senator angling for an appointment.

[Update on Monday afternoon]

More thoughts from Eugene Volokh.

[Bumped to the stop]